POLS 2311: Government of the United States
The judiciary, from the nature of its functions, will always be the least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution … The judiciary … has no influence over either the sword or the purse, no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society, and can take no active resolution whatever. It may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL, but merely judgment
In the beginning: federal courts seen as the “least dangerous” branch; Hamilton believed judicial review necessary though it is not in the Constitution
Today: the political leanings of judicial nominees have become a major issue in confirmation hearings
Time from nomination to confirmation has quintupled from Reagan to Obama
Federal Court Appointments, Time from Nomination to Confirmation
The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.
Judicial Review: The power of the courts, as part of the system of checks and balances, to look at actions taken by the other branches of government and the states and determine whether they are constitutional
Not in the Constitution
Marbury v. Madison (1803)
The nation-state relationship was defined early on: federal law is supreme to state law
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819): read the Necessary and Proper Clause broadly to uphold the national bank
Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857): Chief Justice Roger Taney denied citizenship to enslaved people and their descendants
For roughly 40 years the Court invoked the 14th Amendment to block many economic regulations
At the same time, it read the 14th and 15th Amendments narrowly — undermining prospects for racial equality
FDR threatened to “pack the Court” after it repeatedly struck down New Deal legislation
Economics and Civil Liberties Laws Overturned by the Supreme Court, 1900–2020
Adherence to precedent must then be the rule rather than the exception if litigants are to have faith in the even-handed administration of justice in the courts
- Former Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Cardozo
The dual court system represents courts at both the national and state levels
Both levels have three basic tiers consisting of trial courts, appellate courts, and courts of last resort
There are thirteen courts of appeals or circuit courts
Each court is overseen by a rotating panel of three judges who do not hold trials but instead review the rulings of the trial courts within their area
Federal question cases: cases concerning the Constitution, federal laws, or treaties
Diversity cases: cases involving citizens of different states
A defendant may sometimes be tried in both state and federal court for the same offense
State cases can be appealed to the Supreme Court in some instances
Constitutional Courts
Legislative Courts
Party background can impact judicial decisions — but case facts, precedent, and legal argument still matter
Presidents find it hard to predict how appointees will behave once confirmed
Senatorial courtesy and “blue slips”: home-state senators can effectively veto a nominee
The “litmus test”: screening nominees for a firm position on a single high-salience issue before nomination
Gender, Race, and Ethnicity in Federal Judicial Appointments, 1980–2023
The Supreme Court has nine justices
As the national court of last resort for all other courts in the system, the Supreme Court plays a vital role in setting standards of interpretation that the lower courts follow
The Supreme Court’s decisions are binding across the nation and establish the precedent by which future cases are resolved in all the system’s tiers
The nine justices of the Supreme Court
| Nominee | President | Year | Outcome | Senate Vote |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Abe Fortas (Chief Justice) | Johnson | 1968 | Withdrawn after filibuster | Cloture failed 45–43 |
| Robert Bork | Reagan | 1987 | Rejected | 42–58 |
| Clarence Thomas | G.H.W. Bush | 1991 | Confirmed | 52–48 |
| Harriet Miers | G.W. Bush | 2005 | Withdrawn | — |
| Merrick Garland | Obama | 2016 | No hearing or vote | — |
| Brett Kavanaugh | Trump | 2018 | Confirmed | 50–48 |
| Amy Coney Barrett | Trump | 2020 | Confirmed | 52–48 |
Extremely difficult to have a case heard before the Supreme Court — and usually very costly
In forma pauperis: allows indigent petitioners to proceed without paying standard court fees
Interest groups (ACLU, NAACP) may adopt or mobilize a case they see as important
Fee shifting: lets a winning plaintiff recover costs from the defendant
Cases must have standing; class action suits let many similarly situated citizens benefit from one case
Justices make policy when they reinterpret laws or the Constitution — and through the remedies they impose
Many federal laws have been declared unconstitutional
The Court can change its mind about prior rulings, or let them stand (stare decisis)
The Court can involve itself with political questions — issues it could instead leave to the elected branches
Supreme Court decisions are the law of the land, even when a dispute began at the local level
Judges cannot enforce their own decisions — they depend on the executive and legislature
Congress may impeach judges
Congress can alter the makeup of the courts
New constitutional amendments may (rarely) overturn a decision
Laws can be rewritten to survive judicial review later
The traditional merits docket: certiorari granted, fully briefed, argued in open court, resolved by signed opinions
The emergency docket: asking the Court to freeze a lower-court ruling or government policy while an appeal proceeds
The “shadow docket”: substantive emergency-docket rulings — typically unsigned, minimally briefed, with little or no explanation
In the term ending October 2025, the Court issued 63 substantive shadow-docket orders versus 56 signed merits decisions — shadow-docket rulings outnumbered the traditional docket for the first time in modern history
Only 17% of shadow-docket votes had any public record of a vote or opinion at all
Use has grown sharply: the Obama and Bush administrations together filed 8 emergency petitions across 16 years; the Trump administration filed 32 in 2025 alone
Consequential rulings decided with little or no public reasoning — e.g., limits on nationwide injunctions, and interim orders reshaping congressional maps mid-election
Justice Kagan (2021): shadow-docket decisionmaking “every day becomes more unreasoned, inconsistent, and impossible to defend”
Justice Jackson (2026): “We cannot expect the public to have faith in our judicial system if… we consistently green-light harmful acts that do real damage”
POLS 2311: Government of the United States (Fall 2026)